Interest Rates and the Economy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Interest Rates and the Economy - Essay Example Now, the ability to ascertain credit at reasonably favorable terms i.e. good interest rates is something that households and businesses alike, regardless of their area of participation, must do themselves without any outside party determining or even influencing the terms of the final agreement between the borrower and the lender. Now, the floor interest rates which are present in the world and especially in our country initiate the process of the full recovery of the economy, however, it is distinctly important to understand that an easygoing and overtly mundane or banal economic recoil makes market analyst ponder over the notion that whether interest rates happen to be a factor that is critical enough in size and important than it can actually steer an entire economy without assistance or fail. If we conduct a thorough historical analysis of the world economy since the turn of the century, we will notice that the current recession which is ravaging the global economy has been cause d by a number of reasons, all of whom have been aired and given enough attention over this period, however, a critical factor in the downfall of a dynamic and well performing global economy have been a string of interest rate augmentations in 1999 and 2000. Given the fact that increasing the interest rates could certainly put to an end the promise of a burgeoning economy which has the potential to expand and influence the global economic, then it is important to note that the opposite of the above statement must also be true and should be put forth as an completely independent notion which states that decreasing the interest rates of the country could certainly boost an ailing economy and provide it with the impetus that it requires to rebound its way towards recovery and re-establishment. This way of reasoning, however, is not completely fool proof and without any loopholes. The real analogy that can be used, or perhaps that should have been used in this case is that the difference between the two is pulling on a rope and pushing of the rope in the two cases which we have just explained earlier; here pushing the rope is the instance of lower the interest rate in order to jumpstart the economy and boost its performance during a period of regression or stagflation. The recovery of the economy in 2004 has moved onto such a mature stage at the point when the author was formulating his opinion on the said matter that actually empirically showing whether we can ascertain that decreased interest rates were the reason that first immunized the economy and then brought the economy back from the dead to life, all against a backdrop of a general contamination of the economic melancholy that was being experienced at the time Professor Larry Allen was formulating his piece on the correlation between interest rates and the revival of an economy. Theoretical framework: A lot has been said about the interest rates and the economy in general but we have not discussed the theory of this specific occurrence as yet. Here, we will try to

British Political History Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

British Political History - Essay Example Political scholars exhibiting interest in this aspect have highlighted that the success of the conservative party was attributable to numerous factors that favoured the party in the 20th century. This paper will offer a critical analysis of the factors that contributed to the success of the party in the 20th century. A historical review of the party reveals that during the inter-war period, the conservative party proved to be the largest in the House of Commons. This was specifically in the period between 1918 and 1945. The party had the capacity to register majority votes as evidenced by the elections in 1921-1931 in which it emerged the second but garnered a majority vote of 8.65 million. During the 20th century, the party registered five victories and only two defeats. Interestingly, the victories were defined by massive majority votes. For example, there was a time when the party had 200 MPs margin compared to the second largest party. The success of the conservative party in the 20th century has been attributed to the proper foundation of Disraeli and Salisbury in the previous century. This historical review of the party serves to outline the party’s evident success in the 20th century. Numerous factors were critical contributors in ensuring that the party rose to its success (Pitchf ord 2011, p. 56). One of the factors that contributed to the success of the conservative party was its appealing foundation defined by impressive values as well as image. The founders of the conservative party associated it with conservative’s values which served to attract the support of many people. This led to the party’s massive social support which would later prove to be highly deep rooted and cohesive enough to bind the people. Notably, the values of any political party are key determinants of its success because supporters consider the values and the projected image before they can commit to the party.

Operations in hilti company Essay Example for Free

Operations in hilti company Essay You are the manager of a firm selling product X in a competitive market. You consider writing a market report on X. Due to some economic changes, there is significant increase in the wages of workers. Please write a report about the expected effects on the market equilibrium price and equilibrium quantity of product X. the following points help you organize your report: 1. Indicate the effect of this event on supply and / or on demand. 2. Analyse what will happen to market equilibrium price and equilibrium quantity in the short run. 3. If wages are expected to continue at higher levels, analyse what will happen to market equilibrium price and equilibrium quantity in the long run. The competitive market is one of the type of economic market structure. In a competitive market the price is determined through the forces of demand and supply. The following essay the effects of increase on wages on product price, quantity traded, and the supply and demand. The demand is the want or need of the person with the willingness to purchase the good at a particular price. The demand is negatively correlated to price. As the price increases the quantity demanded decreases. The supply is the desire and willingness of the supplier to sell the product at a particular price. The downward sloping curve represents demand. Supply is positively correlated to price. As the price increases the quantity supplied increases. Hence, the positive sloping curve represents supply. In the competitive market the point where demand and supply meets is the equilibrium point, which shows the equilibrium price and quantity traded. This is illustrated in the following graph. The increase in wages, increases the costs of the product. This then will decrease the supply bringing a shift in the supply curve. The shift of the supply curve occurs when any factor except price changes bringing an effect on supply. The increase in cost of production will reduce the supply at level of the price because now it has become more costly to produce the supply. The supply curve will shift towards left. The following diagram shows that the supply curve S1 has shifted to S2. This has increased the market equilibrium price in the short run from P1 to P2. The quantity traded has decreased from Q1 to Q2. Long? Run market supply curve. The short? run market supply curve is just the horizontal summation of all the individual firms supply curves. The long? run market supply curve is found by examining the responsiveness of short? run market supply to a change in market demand. As the wages will increase, in the long run the price will reduce and the quantity traded will increase because there will be more entrants into the market and the competition will reduce the price of the product. However, the profit levels will also decreases due to the increase in the wages. Question 2 You’ve been hired by a firm to determine whether it should shut down its operation. The firm currently uses 70 workers to produce 300 units of output per day. The daily wage (per worker) is $40, and the price of the firm’s output is $20. The cost of other variable inputs is $500 per day. The firms fixed cost is $3000 per day. You know that the marginal cost of the last unit is $30. 1. Calculate the firm’s daily losses 2. Should the firm continue to operate at a loss? Carefully explain your answer. Total daily losses are the following: Description Cost / Revenue Total cost Total daily sales 300 x 20 6000 Daily total wages 70 x 40 2800 Variable inputs 500 Fixed costs 3000 Total Cost 6300 Daily losses 300 According to the profit maximization theory, each unit sold, marginal profit (M? ) equals marginal revenue (MR) minus marginal cost (MC). Then, if marginal revenue is greater than marginal cost at some level of output, marginal profit is positive and thus a greater quantity should be produced, and if marginal revenue is less than marginal cost, marginal profit is negative and a lesser quantity should be produced. At the output level at which marginal revenue equals marginal cost, marginal profit is zero and this quantity is the one that maximizes profit. In this case, the marginal profit is negative as according in competitive market marginal revenue is equal to price hence, it is $20 and marginal cost being $30, this equals to -$10. The company should not operate at a loss. Question 3 Given the data of the last question (2), the owner of the firm suggested that losses can be reduced by firing some workers. If you found that the marginal product of the 70th worker was 4units of output per day, do you agree with the owner to reduce employment in order to reduce losses? Please explain carefully. The marginal product of labour is the change in the output compared to the change in the number of labour. Hence, the 70th labour is producing 4 units per day according to the data given in the question. The marginal product of labour is 4. In order to determine the demand of labour, the value of marginal product will be calculated. The value of marginal product should equal to price of the product which is the marginal revenue (MR) with the marginal product of labour (MRP). As long as a worker’s value of marginal product exceeds the wage, the worker is hired. But because the marginal product is diminishing, eventually so many workers will have been hired that the value of the marginal product of an additional worker would be less than the wage. At this point the hiring will stop. A firm hires labour up to the point at which the value of marginal product equals the wage rate. If the value of marginal product of labour exceeds the wage rate, a firm can increase its profit by employing more workers. This can be summed in the following way: Where TR = total revenue; Q = quantity MR x MPL = (? TR/? Q) x (? Q/? L) = ? TR/? L Hence, in this case the value of marginal product is: MR X MPL = 20 x 4 = 80 Wage rate = ? TR/? L = 40 The company should continue to hire more labour as the marginal product will diminish which will eventually bring the marginal revenue product of labour down until the wage rate is equal to the marginal revenue product of labour.

New Public Management In Ghana

New Public Management In Ghana ABSTRACT Ghana local government has undergone several dynamic changes during the course of the 1990s (Charles Polidano, 1999:13). As agent of the central government, it has been forced to endure greater demand for social services despite the budgetary constraints as well as meeting requirements for IMF loans strict conditions In response, there is an attempt by the local government to maintain the quality and quantity of public services by applying business-like principles to governance (Borins, 1995), adopting market mechanisms (Walsh, 1995), and utilizing alternative service delivery (Glover Burton ,1998). These strategies have been championed by proponents of the New Right (Pierson, 1991), public choice (Self, 1993), and the new public management (Borins, 1995) all of whom advocate reduced government intervention into the workings of the market economy. Now as always, the generals of administrative reform prefer to march into action behind a protective advance guard of rhetoric and this rhetoric draws on whatever ideas are globally fashionable. But has the NPM gone beyond rhetoric in local government? The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to review the state of NPM reforms in Ghana local government and to identify the challenges that they present to local governance. In particular, the paper will focus and follow on the NPM selected applications in Ghana local government. III Project contribution The project will allow scholars to understand how the theories of NPM can be transcribed into practicable reforms in local governance. In this manner, the scientific objective of this second degree project is to contribute to the research fields of NPM studies and public sector studies with novel observations and theory. The connection between NPM and civil service has been theoretically explored in depth, and furthermore this project will be a novel scientific contribution to management studies because it extends and elaborates a case study design approach IV My background From 2007 to 2008, I had held a position as a Project Manager and coordinator in charge of National Disaster Management and World Food Program (WFP) respectively of Wa East District Assembly, a wing of local government in Ghana. The aim of these programs is to educate people on natural disasters and sound environmental practices, and also to assess and assist victims of natural disasters. At that level, I have been awarded a scholarship by the Chinese government to enable me further my education in order to contribute efficiently towards the development of local governance and other relevant sectors. This is part of my motivation for suggesting this project topic. V. Methodology Methodologically the project will be anchored in qualitative case-based theory building (Yin 1994; Eisenhardt and Graebner 2007; Corbin and Strauss 2008). The process consists of defining a pertinent research question and then using within-case analysis and replication logic to develop new insights (Eisenhardt 1989; Carlile 2004). The design of the case work will follow Yins approach for using case studies as a research strategy (Yin 1994). In addition, building theory from cases allows for a flexible study where the research design can be altered when new insights or themes emerge. The method employs both qualitative and quantitative data of secondary source. The specific case study design takes its point of departure in a matched pair design; where the basic idea is to review cases to discover insights through comparing similarities and differences. Eisenhardt describes how using pairs of cases to investigate similarities and differences and other cross-case searching tactics of organizational performance, allow investigators to capture novel findings and can lead to accurate and reliable theory (Eisenhardt 1989: 541). The data collection will consist of secondary data; background research and information/data collection from both Ghana local government office(s) and other sources (internet) covering Ghana local government performance from 2001 to date. The data analysis will consist of within-case analysis, data analysis tools such bar chart, histogram, cause-effect diagrams will be utilized as well as outsourcing the application of balance scorecard in needed situations. This analysis will ensure that the conclusions and results are applicable both within the Ghana local government and across the public sector 1. Introduction By the commencement of the 1990s, a new model of public sector management had emerged in most advanced countries and many developing ones. Initially, the new model had several names, including: managerialism (Pollitt, 1993); new public management (Hood, 1991); market-based public administration (Lan and Rosenbloom, 1992); the post-bureaucratic paradigm (Barzelay, 1992) or entrepreneurial government (Osborne and Gaebler, 1992). Despite the differing names, they all essentially describe the same phenomenon. The literature has more or less settled on new public management, often abbreviated to NPM, a term coined by Hood (1991), a persistent critic. Various authors also include privatization, decentralization and downsizing as part of the package (Ingraham 1996; Minogue 1998). This has been a product of a number of factors, including the economic and fiscal crises of the state that called the post-war consensus on the active role of the state in the economy into serious question. In developed economies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia, the crisis in the Keynesian welfare state led to the search for alternative ways of organizing and managing public services and redefining the role of the state to give more prominence to markets and competition, and to the private and voluntary sectors. On the contrast, the economic and fiscal crisis that engulfed most developing countries in the 1970s and 1980s led to a rethinking of state-led development which had increased the size, functions and power of the state and its bureaucracy (George A Larbi 1999:112). A survey by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development concluded that new management techniques and practices involving market-type mechanisms associated with the private for-profit sector are being used to bring about changes in the management of public services in countries that have widely varying governance, economic and institutional environments (OECD, 1993a). These practices and techniques have conventionally been labelled the new public management (NPM) or the new managerialism (Hood, 1991; Dunleavy and Hood, 1994; Pollitt, 1993; Ferlie et al., 1996). The components of NPM have evolved over the years. However, as Moore et al. (1994:13) point out; the central feature of NPM is the attempt to introduce or simulate, within those sections of the public service that are not privatized, the performance incentives and the disciplines that exist in a market environment. The assumption is that there are benefits in terms of efficiency and effectiveness in exposing public sector activities to market pressures and in using markets to serve public purposes, and that government can learn from the private sector despite contextual differences (Metcalfe and Richards, 1990:155). Some observers have argued that there are convergent trends (Kickert and Beck Jà ¸rgensen, 1995:501) or diffusion of reforms. (Halligan, 1997) or a globalization of public sector management (Flynn, 1997) as an increasing number of crisis and non-crisis states in Africa, Asia and Latin America are also embracing elements of the new public management approach. A noticeable trend in public sector reforms, in the context of economic crisis and structural adjustment, is that a wider range of administrative functions and the delivery of public services are being subjected to the approach (Bienefeld, 1990; Mukandala, 1992). Interestingly, there has been a long-drawn-out, ideologically charged debate about the merits and demerits of the new public management, or NPM as it is commonly known. The debate tends to focus on the desirability or otherwise of NPM reforms in principle. Advocates and critics alike often accept the assumption that the new public management is universal, notwithstanding that this is disputed by a growing body of work with respect to different countries as well as institutions. The universality assumption is encouraged by the undoubted fact that NPM catch-phrases feature prominently in the vocabulary of civil service reform all around the world (Thomas 1996). Recently, the generals of administrative reform prefer to march into action behind a protective advance guard of rhetoric. Furthermore, that rhetoric draws on whatever ideas that are internationally fashionable. But has the NPM gone beyond rhetoric in public institutions which are the lead implementers? This paper looks at precisely this question in relation to local government. To what extent can the new public management genuinely be called a dominant paradigm of public service reform in the local government? We are almost bound to conclude that the new public management is a dominant paradigm if all we do is look for evidence of NPM-style reforms. But NPM initiatives may be little more than a minor strand of reform, the froth at the top of the glass (Polidana 1999:13). Other reforms, unrelated or even contrary to the tenets of the new public management, may outweigh it in importance. So to be more certain of reaching a balanced conclusion, we must ask four questions in all. First, are public institutions such as local government and others committing themselves to NPM-style reforms? Second, are such reforms being undertaken as part of the worldwide quest towards greater efficiency and cost savings which is said to be the driving force of the new public management (see Minogue 1998)? Third, are the reforms actually being implemented, or are we being misled by the rhetoric of political leaders (and senior bureaucrats)? As I have already mentioned, the rhetoric of reform tends to outpace the reality in any country or institution. Fourth, are reforms simultaneously being undertaken that are unrelated to the new public management or indeed run counter to its principles? This question helps us put any evidence of NPM-style initiatives in its proper perspective. I shall deal with each of these questions in turn. The evidence gathered in this paper also sheds light on the vexed issue of the appropriateness of NPM reforms in local governance. This represents a fifth question which I shall take up towards the end of the paper. Can the new public management work in the local government? As we will see, localized contingency factors-ones that vary from sector to sector and situation to situation within the same country-play a predominant role in determining the outcome of individual reform initiatives. Different situations can call for radically different responses. 2.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 2.1.0 Principles and Practices of NPM At the end of the 20th century, a post bureaucratic paradigm of public management was firmly embedded in many countries reflecting the outcome of the suite of reforms intended to enact a break from the traditional model of public administration underpinned by Webers (1946) bureaucracy, Wilsons (1887) policy-administration divide, and Taylors (1911) scientific management model of work organization. A survey by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) concluded that new management techniques and practices involving market-type mechanisms associated with the private for-profit sector are being used to bring about changes in the management of public services in countries that have widely varying governance, economic and institutional environments (OECD, 1993a). These practices and techniques have conventionally been labelled the new public management (NPM) or the new managerialism (Hood, 1991; Dunleavy and Hood, 1994; Pollitt, 1993; Ferlie et al., 1996). In part at least, NPM was a reaction to perceived weaknesses of the traditional bureaucratic paradigm of public administration (OFlynn 2005a; Stoker 2006), and it encompassed a critique of monopolistic forms of service provision and an argument for a wider range of service providers and a more market-oriented approach to management (Stoker 2006:45). In articulating this NPM paradigm in the early 1990s, Hood set out its key doctrinal components (1991:4-5): 1. Hands-on professional management; 2. Explicit standards and measures of performance; 3. Greater emphasis on output controls; 4. Disaggregation of units in the public sector; 5. Greater competition in the public sector; 6. Private sector styles of management practice; and 7. Greater discipline and parsimony in resource use. Within this new paradigm, the doctrinal components sat alongside four reinforcing megatrends: slowing down or reversing government growth; privatization and quasi-privatization; automation in the production and distribution of public services; and, an international agenda in public sector reforms (Hood 1991:3-4). Fifteen years after Hood (1991), Hughes (2006) in his paper on the new pragmatism articulated four grand themes which characterized NPM: management (i.e. results and managerial responsibility) is a higher order function than administration (i.e. following instructions); economic principles (i.e. drawn from public choice theory, principal-agent theory, contracting, competition, and the theory of the firm) can assist public management; modern management theory and practices (i.e. flexibility in staffing and organization ) can improve public management; and service delivery is important to citizens. As Stoker (2006:46) noted, NPM sought . . . to dismantle the bureaucratic pillar of the Weberian model of traditional public administration. Out with the large, multipurpose hierarchical bureaucracies, [NPM] proclaims, and in with the lean, flat, autonomous organizations drawn from the public and private spheres and steered by a tight central leadership corps. Performance contracts are used across a number of sectors including utilities, transport, telecommunications and agriculture (e.g., in Ghana, Bolivia, Senegal and India). Contracting out is increasingly being adopted in the delivery of public services including urban services (e.g., solid waste management), ancillary health services such as cleaning, laundry and catering (e.g., in Zimbabwe), and road maintenance. Such characterizations provide a good starting point for considering the NPM paradigm, however, there has been a tendency toward conflating shorter reform phases into a NPM catchall. In the Australian context, for example, there were two quite clear phases in the move away from traditional administration, based on distinct theoretical and philosophical underpinnings (Considine and Painter 1997). In the Australian experience, the 1980s was characterised by a post-bureaucratic model of NPM and this was heavily focused on internal reforms and corporate management (Alford 1998;Yeatman 1997). Commonly adopted practices included: corporate planning based on central goals; comprehensive program budgeting; management improvement programs; contract employment for managers; central auditing; and performance monitoring of individuals. The key aims were to empower public servants and increase managerial quality. Following on from this, Australia experienced a marketisation phase in the 1990s which emerged alongside the dominance of economic rationalist discourse (Pusey 1991). This marketisation phase represented an overt challenge to the efficacy of the traditional approach with its monopoly over the production and delivery of public services as it was focused on developing market solutions to government failure. By the time of the marketisation phase it was clear that a new paradigm of public management was becoming dominant and it was during this time that NPM came into its own. In the Australian experience, the marketisation phase rested on the creation of markets in the public sector and the use of contracts to define and govern relationships. For some, such moves signaled the emergence of a new contractualism (Hughes 2003), while for others contracts and competition became the basis for changing the fundamental nature of the public sector (Walsh 1995). Chalmers and Davis argued that, contracting has been established as a standard form of policy delivery indeed as an instrument with few limits, preferable in most circumstances to traditional public bureaucracy (2001:76). Such beliefs were also acknowledged by Deakin and Michie: If there is a single strand that runs through the changes wrought by the neoliberal revolution . . . it is the revival of contract as the foremost organizing mechanism of economic activity (1997:1). During this era, where notions of competition and contracts were so important, the NPM paradigm became dominant As we know, this did not occur without resistance and NPM has been subject to ongoing and fierce debate in the academic literature because it challenged conventional thinking and brought together a range of practices, policies and theories rather than proposing some coherent theory. Notwithstanding this point there has been some agreement on critical theoretical perspectives informing policy makers and underpinning thinking in the NPM paradigm including: public choice theory, principal-agent theory, transaction cost economics and competition theory (Kaboolian 1998; OFlynn 2005a). Public choice theory was extremely influential with Boyne arguing, . . . seldom has the major practical implication of an abstract model of bureaucracy been so widely implemented (1998a:474). NPM encompassed the public choice belief that governments were unresponsive, inefficient, monopolistic, and unable to reach formal goals. In the main this reflected the inherent failures of government: politicians are captured by interest groups and will act in their own self-interest rather than the public interest; the bureaucracy does not necessarily carry out political directions because of the self-interest of bureaucrats and bureaucrats act in pursuit of self-interest rather than efficiency (Walsh 1995). Following this line of argument, bureaucracy leads to resource wastage and budget maximisation in the pursuit of power, status, income, ideology, patronage, discretionary power and ease of management, producing allocative inefficiency and oversupply (Boyne 1998a; Niskanen 1971; Rowley 1995; Walsh 1995). The aim of public choice advocates then was to persuade policy-makers to adopt policies and practices which would import incentive structures based on principal agent theory and property rights in order to increase efficiency and downsize the state (de Laine 1997; Mascarenhas 1993). Despite sustained critique (see for example Boyne 1998a, 1998b; Boyne et al. 2003; Tregillis 1990;Walsh 1995), public choice theory has been critical in underpinning key features of NPM including: separation and fragmentation (Boyne et al. 2003; Self 1993; Streeton and Orchard 1994); competitive markets for public services (Boyne et al. 2003); and preference for private sector provision governed by contracts (Hodge 2000). Principal-agent theory focuses on the relationship between principals and agents and the issues that arise when we assume their interests diverge (Walsh 1995). It provides a means of conceptualising both human behaviour in the agency relationship and the development of organisational forms based on assumptions of self-interest, opportunism, incomplete information, and goal divergence (Althaus 1997). These assumptions predict the emergence of agency issues when contracts are formed and where the actions of the agent have implications for the welfare of both parties (Petersen 1995a). The critical challenge for the principal becomes how to choose an agent and construct incentive structures to align goals in an environment of uncertainty, information asymmetry, and high cost monitoring; and where incentives exist for agents to shirk (Foss 1995). Such structures, which aim to produce optimal outcomes and combat adverse selection and moral hazard, are termed agency costs (Althaus 1997). Hence, at the core of this perspective is the notion that contracts formally setting out requirements, monitoring, reward and incentive systems provide the legitimate connection between principal and the agent (de Laine 1997; Muetzelfeldt 1994). Principal-agent theory played an important part in the NPM paradigm and it underpinned many practical reforms including the structural separation of purchasers and providers to establish contractual and quasi-contractual relationships (OFlynn 2005a). In total, this laid the foundation for a process whereby it was expected that,. . . the government manager clearly articulates the policy, sets the performance standards, and chooses in a competitive market an agent who will faithfully act in the governments behalf to deliver the goods and services so that the outcome sought will be attained (Kelly 1998:205). There has been a continued critique of the appropriateness of agency theory in the public sector. Doubts have been raised, for example, about the ability of purchasers and providers to separate, the efficacy of decoupling policy from delivery, and the ability of purchasers to clearly articulate their preferences in a competitive environment (OFlynn and Alford 2005; Stewart 1996). Regardless of such critiques, however, key characteristics of NPM were built around ideas from principal-agent theory. Transaction cost economics has also played an important role in the NPM era. Coase (1937) set out the crucial role of transaction costs, hypothesizing that an assessment of these costs determined whether transactions were internalized or not.4 Coases (1937) theory of the firm and the associated make-buy decisions is translated as the public sector procurement decision whether public agencies produce themselves (i.e. make) or contract out (i.e. buy) (Williamson 1999). Williamson (1979) extended Coases (1937) ideas through the development of a schema setting out his propositions for the most efficient matching of transactions and governance structures. This ranged from market governance based on classical contracting and formally prescribed relationships and remedies to unified governance (i.e. hierarchy) whereby relationship norms and customs govern behaviour rather than formally written contracts. The most efficient structure is that which best matches specific transaction characteristics (i.e. the levels of frequency and asset specificity) with governance structures allowing for economising on the costs associated with bounded rationality, opportunism, and asset specificity; and an overall reduction in the cost of transacting. Transaction cost economics was important to NPM as it set out options for governments including markets, hybrids, and hierarchy (Petersen 1995b). However, it might be argued that the dominance of public choice theory resulted in a blinkered view of this approach as governments tended toward market governance models. Practice also tended to ignore key writers in the field including Williamson who argued that, [r]ecourse to public bureaucracy for those transactions for which it is comparatively wellsuited is properly regarded as an efficient result (1999:24). In the literature there has been some critique of the application of traditional contracting notions to the public sector, and the underlying assumptions about human behavior encompassed in such theories (Vincent-Jones 1997; Walsh et al. 1997). The doctrine of competition has been central to the development of NPM. While perfect competition rarely exists in reality, governments have sought to pursue activity to stimulate competition rather than replicate pure markets (Townsend 1995). Public choice advocates have been vocal in calling for the discipline of competition to be imposed on public sector operations as a means of improving efficiency: One of the most fundamental determinants of the efficiency of any arrangement is competition; that is, the degree of competition that an arrangement permits will, to a significant degree, determine how efficiently that arrangement will supply a service . . . market . . . [and] contract . . . systems are most conducive to fostering competition and thereby achieving economic efficiency (Savas 1982:80-1). Competitive tendering, in particular, has been a popular instrument used by government. The adoption of such practices carries the belief that planners remain the ultimate arbiters of resource allocation but that gains in productive efficiency can be achieved by some degree of competitive regulation (Hensher and Beesley 1989:236). Competition between bidders is intended to spur efficiency gains and cost savings for purchasers, as market forces can drive out marginal producers (Cubbin, Domberger and Meadowcroft 1987; Domberger, Hall and Li 1995; Rimmer 1994). Interestingly, it has been argued that the mere threat of competition can generate efficiency gains and cost savings within the public sector as internal providers seek to protect themselves from unemployment (Rimmer 1994;Walsh and OFlynn 2000). The applicability of the competition doctrine to the public sector has been questioned in the literature for several reasons including the existence of both demand and supply side imperfections (Kelly 1998), and the absence of conditions required to generate efficiency gains (Wilkinson 1995). Despite such critiques, competition theory has clearly played a critical role in the development of the NPM paradigm. The NPM paradigm encompassed specific assumptions about human behaviour centred on individualism, instrumentality and individual rationality and from here came new performance motivated administration and institutional arrangements, new structural forms, and new managerial doctrines (Kelly 1998; Lynn 1998). Flowing from these perspectives were a set of core principles that sustained NPM: (i) economic markets should be the model for relationships in the public sector; (ii) policy, implementation and delivery functions should be separated and constructed as a series of contracts; and (iii) a range of new administrative technologies should be introduced including performance-based contracting, competition, market incentives, and deregulation (Kaboolian 1998). Within the NPM paradigm, the way in which government was viewed, constructed and arranged was firmly rooted within an economic frame and, from here, policy rhetoric focused on the notion that small government was superior and that government failure must be addressed in order to maximise efficiency. This often resulted in prescriptions built around competition and contracts, with the result being a firmly embedded post-bureaucratic model, not only in Ghana but also in many countries across the world. The practical application of NPM, like its bureaucratic predecessor, suffered from a range of weaknesses which reflected both implementation challenges and fundamental tensions (OFlynn and Alford 2005). For example, competitive regimes have been commonly adopted, but evidence shows that they are usually costly to implement and rarely deliver genuine competition (Entwistle and Martin 2005). Further, there is evidence that such approaches have resulted in increased transaction costs due to the high costs of contract preparation, monitoring and enforcement (Entwistle and Martin 2005; OFlynn and Alford 2005). Minogue (2000) argues that the extensive literature on privatisation, contracting, and the use of markets lacks evidence of any real efficiency gains and that the restructuring and downsizing of civil services (especially in Britain) has produced a decline in accountability. OFlynn and Alford (2005) have argued that competitive government models also lead to fragmentation of relationships which may spur destructive behaviour. A comprehensive list of problems is presented by Lawton (1998 cited in Minogue 2000) who claims the fundamental values of public service organisations have been undermined by competition and the NPM, by limited resources, conflicts between individual demands and public interest, the erosion of accountability and responsibility due to fragmentation, and increased risk-taking. Even the OECD, long a NPM advocate, acknowledged in a 2003 report that the reforms produced some unexpected negative results (OECD 2003:2), echoing March and Olsens statement that reform rarely satisfies the prior intention of those who initiate it (1989:65). Partly this reflected the wholesale application of private sector models and the failure to pay heed to the interconnected and interdependent nature of the public sector. Perhaps more fundamentally the competitive government model failed to understand that public management arrangements not only deliver public services, but also enshrine deeper governance values (OECD 2003:3). The NPM paradigm rested on economic foundations which defined government activity, policy-making and service delivery. Despite a range of weaknesses that have emerged following almost two decades of experimentation and, consequently, Since the 1980s, developed and developing countries have been embarking on public sector management reforms. The following section discusses the public sector reforms which forms the basis for potential paradigmatic change. 2.1.1 Non-NPM reforms An essential concomitant to the development of results-based accountability is the removal or at least relaxation of procedural controls over line management. The idea is, in NPM-speak, to move from accountability for inputs (obeying the rules on spending and staffing) to accountability for outputs (performance). As we have already seen, however, governments have been reluctant to give line managers greater discretion over staff promotions and pay. Some countries have gone further than this: they have tightened up existing central controls within the civil service and introduced new ones. This has often happened in response to the need to bring staff numbers down. Notwithstanding its proclaimed goal of introducing results-oriented management, Uganda actually recentralised the recruitment of temporary and non-pensionable staff because this had been open to wide abuse (Wangolo 1995: 150) when it was in the hands of departments themselves. Until then the government simply had no idea how many people were employed in the civil service. In an effort to control recruitment, other countries have required departmental heads to gain central clearance not only to create new positions, but also to fill vacancies in the already approved complement. More generally speaking, a major thrust of public sector reform throughout Africa and Latin America has been to strengthen and rationalise functions such as budgeting, financial control, staff classification and complement control. Proper execution of these functions is taken for granted in most industrialised countries, which are devolving some of them to line agencies. But these functions remain weak in many developing countries. The World Bank regularly encounters problems such as poor expenditure control and inadequate accounting systems in its client countries (Beschel 1995: 21); while Holmes (1992: 474) notes that many middle-income countries see standardization in the wage and salary area à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ as a prerequisite to improvin

Meg Bogins The Women Troubadours Essay -- Meg Bogin Women Troubadours

Meg Bogin's The Women Troubadours What is Bieiris de Romans’ speaker seeking from the woman, Maria, about whom Bieiris writes? More generally, what are female troubadours as a whole seeking from their loves, and their craft? Meg Bogin, in her The Women Troubadours, asserts that â€Å"their poems were addressed to women†¦ to whom they vowed eternal homage and obedience. In exchange for their prostration, the troubadours expected to be ennobled, enriched, or simply made ‘better’† (Bogin, 9). Is the poetry of female troubadours less about the women being addressed and more about the troubadours themselves? By performing a close textual analysis of Bieiris de Romans’ poem to Maria, I hope to elucidate some possible answers to these questions. The poem opens with Bieiris’ speaker addressing her subject as â€Å"Lady Maria.† Rather than merely employing the woman’s first name, or utilizing a possessive phrase such as â€Å"my love† or â€Å"my Maria,† the speaker addresses her as â€Å"lady.† This implies a certain bestowal of respect upon her subject, and is potentially also a means to convey an understanding on the speaker’s part that this Maria has not yet consented to be hers. Next, the speaker proceeds to enumerate copious qualities that she finds pleasing in Maria. She begins by praising Maria’s â€Å"merit and distinction.† By â€Å"distinction† we can safely assume that the speaker refers to a pleasing reputation that Maria has cultivated within society, and possibly also the speaker’s own opinion that Maria is able to be distinguished as superior to other women. The term â€Å"merit,† however, is relatively ambiguous. By â€Å"merit,† the speaker could be indicating one or many qualities, including, but not limited to, virtue, achievement, a... ...g female companion, who will comply with her wishes and desires. Thus, Maria, judging from the qualities attributed to her in the poem, seems a perfect target for Bieiris’ speaker’s affections. Bieiris also appears to have created a speaker who is more concerned with being given the ability to express her desires than with the woman about whom those desires are expressed. Maria seems to be utilized as somewhat of a passive vessel about whom Bieiris can write and express herself in a literary fashion. The desire that Bieiris succeeds in expressing, then, is less one for Maria in particular and more one for composing lyric poetry in general. As a troubadour, Bieiris most likely avidly seeks patronage. Thus Maria is less of a goal to achieve and more a means to a different end: composing poetry for the sake of procuring a reputation, and obtaining financial gain.

Teaching Philosophy :: Education Teaching Teachers Essays

Teaching Philosophy Throughout life I think everyone has a certain calling. God creates special gifts in people to be used to help others. Some people know right away what their calling is. I am sorry to say that it has taken me a few more years to figure out my love for teaching. I was a dance instructor for over fourteen years. During that time I attended College of West Virginia earning an Associates Degree in Business Administration. What was I going to do with that? I really did not like business, but my thinking was it would help in running my own dance studio one day. My real love was the involvement, interaction, and teaching of all my dancers. It was so rewarding to see the children learn the different movements I was teaching that day. The scaffolding method used in constructivism is very similar to how I taught dancing. Each week we would review the dance steps from previous weeks and then add on new dance steps. The children were learning dances that I had choreographed. Being a happy wife and a proud mother of a beautiful boy, I wanted to contribute more to the family financially. Although teaching dance is what I loved, it was not a job that paid well. How could I still do what I love, teaching, and bring in a little more money? That is when my husband encouraged me to go back to Concord College and get my Bachelor of Science Degree in Teaching Physical Education and Health Education. Physical Education and Health Education are two fields I feel very passionate about. Always being active throughout my life, I did not realize how sedentary and unfit our nation is. West Virginia ranks one of the highest states in the nation when it comes to being unfit and obese. I think education could place a more positive influence on this growing epidemic. The purpose of education is to help students gain knowledge to be used in their career, social, and personal lives. Education is important in teaching students the past and helping them make knowledgeable decisions for the future. As a teacher, I hope to be able to touch student’s lives in a way that when it comes to making a choice, they think of what I have taught them, and make a positive decision.

Stefan’s Diaries: The Craving Chapter 4

November 5, 1864 It feels like so long ago, but in reality little time has passed since my transformation, since my father killed me. It was barely a month past that Damon and I tried to save Katherine's life, and her blood saved ours. Barely a month since I was a living, warm-blooded human, who sustained himself on meals of meat and vegetables, cheese and wine – and who slept in a feather bed, with clean linen sheets. Yet it feels like a lifetime, and by some definitions, I suppose it is. But just as quickly as my fortunes turned after New Orleans, leaving me to live as a vagrant in a rocky hollow in the park, here I am at a proper desk under a leaded window, a thick rug at my feet. How quickly I am slipping back into human ways! The Sutherlands seem like a kind family. I picture tempestuous Bridget and her long-suffering older sister as mirror versions of Damon and myself. I never appreciated how harmless Damon's and my father's fights were back when they were just about horses and girls. I was always terrified one of them would say or do something that would end forever what semblance of a family we had left. Now that my father is dead and my brother and I are . . . what we are, I realize how much more serious things can get, and how simple and easy life was before. I shouldn't even stay here, even tonight. I should sneak out the window and flee to my place of exile. Being enfolded in the warm, living embrace of the Sutherland family for any amount of time, no matter how short, is dangerous and deceptive. It makes me feel like I could almost belong to the world of humans again. They don't realize they have welcomed a predator into their midst. All that would need to happen is for me to lose control once, to slip from my room right now and take my fill of one of them, and their lives would be filled with tragedy – just as mine became when Katherine arrived on our doorstep. Family has always been the most important thing to me, and I would be lying if I didn't admit how comforting it is to be among people who love one another, if only for one borrowed night. . . . For the first time since I'd left New Orleans, I rose with the sun, intent to slip out of the mansion and disappear into the morning mists before anyone came to wake me. But it was hard to resist the pull of crisp linen sheets, the soft mattress, the shelves of books, and the painted ceiling of my room. After admiring the fresco of winged cherubs above me, I pushed off the soft covers and forced myself out of bed. Every muscle in my body rippled under my pale skin, full of strength and Power, but every bone in my rib cage showed. The Sutherlands had taken my clothes to be washed but hadn't given me a nightshirt. I enjoyed the feeling of morning sunlight on my flesh, the glowing warmth fighting with the chill in the room. Though I'd never forgive Katherine for turning me into a monster, I was grateful at least for her lapis lazuli ring that protected me from the sun's otherwise fatal rays. The window was open the slightest bit, ushering a cool breeze into the room and setting the diaphanous curtains aflutter. Though temperature no longer affected me, I closed the window, locking the latch with some puzzlement. I could have sworn all the windows had been shut tight last night. Before I had time to further consider the matter, the tell-tale thump of a heartbeat sounded close by, and after a light knock, the door cracked open. Lydia stuck her head in, then immediately blushed and looked away from my nearly naked form. â€Å"Father was afraid you might try to leave without saying good-bye. I was sent to make sure you didn't charm a maid into helping you.† â€Å"I'm hardly in a state to sneak away,† I said, covering my chest with my arms. â€Å"I will need my pants to do that.† â€Å"Henry will be up shortly with your trousers, freshly pressed,† she said, keeping her eyes on the ground. â€Å"In the meantime, there is a bathing room just down the hall to the right. Please feel free to refresh yourself, and then come down to breakfast.† I nodded, feeling trapped. â€Å"And, Stefan.† Lydia looked up briefly and met my eye. â€Å"I do hope you'll be able to locate a shirt as well.† Then she smiled and slipped away. When I finally came downstairs for breakfast, the entire Sutherland clan was waiting for me – even Bridget, who was alive and stuffing toast into her face like she hadn't eaten in a fortnight. Except for a slight paleness to her complexion, it was impossible to tell that she'd nearly died the night before. Everyone turned and gasped as I approached. Apparently, I cut a different figure from the hero in shirtsleeves the night before. With freshly polished fine Italian shoes, neat pants, a new clean shirt, and a borrowed jacket Winfield had sent up for me, I was every inch the gentleman. I'd even washed my face and combed my hair back. â€Å"Cook made you some grits, if you like,† Mrs. Sutherland said, indicating a bowl of gloppy white stuff. â€Å"We don't usually indulge, but thought our Southern guest might.† â€Å"Thank you, ma'am,† I said, taking the empty seat next to Bridget and eyeing the spread on the large wooden table. After my mother passed away, Damon, my father, and I made it a habit to dine casually with the men who we employed on the plantation. Breakfast was often the simple stuff of workers, hominy and biscuits, bread and syrup, rashers of bacon. What was laid out at the Winfield residence put to shame the finest restaurants in Virginia. English-style toast in delicate wire holders, five different types of jam, two kinds of bacon, johnnycakes, syrup, even freshly squeezed orange juice. The delicate plates had blue Dutch patterns, and there was more silverware than I was accustomed to seeing at a formal dinner. Wishing I still had a human appetite – and ignoring the fire in my veins that thirsted for blood – I pretended to dig in. â€Å"Much obliged,† I said. â€Å"So this is my little sister's savior,† said the one woman in the room I didn't know. â€Å"Allow me to introduce the eldest of my daughters,† Winfield said. â€Å"This is Margaret. First married. And first with grandchildren, we're hoping.† â€Å"Papa,† Margaret admonished, before turning her attention back to me. â€Å"Pleased to meet you.† Where Bridget was full of life and the plumpness of youth and Lydia was the elegant, cultivated one, Margaret had something of a practical and inquisitive good sense, an earthiness that showed in questioning blue eyes. Her hair was black and inclined to straightness. â€Å"We were just discussing what prompted my child's rash actions,† Winfield said, bringing the conversation back to the previous night. â€Å"I don't know why I ran off,† Bridget pouted, drawing deeply from a cup of orange juice. The older sisters gave each other looks, but their father leaned closer, worry lines marring his forehead. â€Å"I just felt that I absolutely had to leave. So I did.† â€Å"It was foolish and dangerous,† her mother reprimanded, shaking her napkin. â€Å"You could have died!† â€Å"I am glad to see you are doing so well today,† I said politely. Bridget grinned, displaying teeth that had little bits of orange pulp stuck in them. â€Å"Yes. About that.† Margaret spoke up, tapping her egg spoon on the side of her plate. â€Å"You say you found her covered in blood in the park?† â€Å"Yes, ma'am,† I answered warily, taking the smallest piece of bacon on my plate. This sister sounded more astute than the others and wasn't afraid to ask uncomfortable questions. â€Å"There was a lot of blood, and Bridget's dress was torn.† Margaret pressed, â€Å"Did you find it odd that there was no actual wound?† â€Å"Uh,† I stammered. My mind raced. What could I say? The blood was someone else's? â€Å"I thought there was a knife wound last night,† Mrs. Sutherland said, pursing her lips and thinking. â€Å"But it was just clotted blood, and wiping it down cleared it away.† Margaret pierced me with her eyes. â€Å"Maybe she was afflicted with a nosebleed . . . ?† I mumbled lamely. â€Å"So you're saying that you didn't see any attacker when you came upon my sister?† Margaret asked. â€Å"Oh, Meggie, you and your interrogations,† Winfield said. â€Å"It's a miracle that Bridge is all right. Thank goodness Stefan here found her when he did.† â€Å"Yes. Of course. Thank goodness,† Margaret said. â€Å"And what were you doing in the park last night by yourself?† she continued smoothly. â€Å"Walking,† I said, same as I had answered her father the night before. In the bright light of morning, it struck me as odd that Winfield had asked me nothing more than my name and why I'd been in the park. In times like these, and after his daughter had just suffered a great blow, it was hardly standard to accept a stranger into one's home. Then again, my father had offered refuge to Katherine when she'd arrived in Mystic Falls, playing the part of an orphan. A nagging piece of me wondered if our story could have ended differently, if the entire Salvatore brood would still be alive, if only we'd pressed Katherine for answers about her past, rather than tiptoeing around the tragedy she'd claimed had taken her parents' lives. Of course, Katherine had Damon and me so deeply in her thrall, perhaps it would have made no difference. Margaret leaned forward, not politely giving up the way Winfield had the night before. â€Å"You're not from around here, I take it?† â€Å"I'm from Virginia,† I answered as she opened her mouth to form the next, obvious question. In a strange way, it made me feel better to offer this family something real. Besides, soon enough I would be out of this house, out of their lives, and it wouldn't matter what they knew about me. â€Å"Whereabouts?† she pressed. â€Å"Mystic Falls.† â€Å"I've never heard of it.† â€Å"It's fairly small. Just one main street and some plantations.† There was some shuffling movement under the table, and I could only assume that either Bridget or Lydia was trying to give Margaret a good kick. If the blow was successful, Margaret gave no sign. â€Å"Are you an educated man?† she continued. â€Å"No, ma'am. I planned to study at the University of Virginia. The war put a stop to that.† â€Å"War is good for no one,† Winfield said as he stabbed a piece of bacon with his fork. â€Å"The war put a stop to much casual travel back and forth between the states,† Margaret added. â€Å"What's that to do with anything?† Bridget demanded. â€Å"Your sister is suggesting that it's an odd time for me to come north,† I explained. â€Å"But my father recently died. . . .† â€Å"From the war?† Bridget demanded breathlessly. Lydia and Mrs. Sutherland glared at her. â€Å"Indirectly,† I answered. A war had claimed my father's life, a war against vampires – against me. â€Å"My town . . . it burned, and there was nothing left for me anymore.† â€Å"So you came north,† Lydia said. â€Å"To try your hand at business, maybe?† Winfield suggested hopefully. Here was a man with three daughters, three beautiful daughters, but no sons. No one to share cigars and brandy with, no one to push and encourage and compete with in the world of business. I was both worried and amused by the gleam in his eye when he looked at me. Surely there were families with sons in Manhattan who would make for more auspicious marital alliances. â€Å"Whatever I can do, I aim to make my way in the world on my own,† I replied, taking a sip of coffee. I would have to, without Lexi or Katherine to guide me. And if I ever saw Damon again, the only thing he would guide me toward was a newly sharpened stake. â€Å"Where are you living?† Margaret continued. â€Å"Do you have family here?† I cleared my throat, but before I had to tell my first real lie, Bridget groaned. â€Å"Meggie, I'm bored of this interrogation!† A hint of a smile bloomed on Lydia's lips, and she quickly hid it behind her napkin. â€Å"What would you prefer to talk about?† â€Å"Yourself?† Margaret said with an arched brow. â€Å"Yes, actually!† Bridget said, looking around the table. Her eyes glowed as green as Callie's, but with her petulance on full display, she no longer reminded me of my lost love. â€Å"I still don't know why I ran out on the party.† Margaret rolled her eyes. Lydia shook her head. â€Å"I mean, you should have seen the looks I got!† she started up, waving her knife in the air for emphasis. â€Å"Flora's dress was the worst, especially considering she's a newly married woman. And my new sash – oh no, was it ruined last night? I would hate to have it ruined! Mama! Was it on me when Stefan brought me home? We have to go back to the park and look for it!† â€Å"How about we go back to the park and look for the person who tried to kill you,† Margaret suggested. â€Å"We've already had a discussion with Inspector Warren about it. He promises a thorough investigation,† Mrs. Sutherland said. â€Å"But, Bridget, you must promise not to run off from the Chesters' ball this evening or I will be forced to stand watch over you in your bedroom.† Bridget crossed her arms over her chest with a huff. â€Å"And neither shall you run off,† Mrs. Sutherland said more pointedly to Lydia. The middle sister blushed. â€Å"Lydia has fallen in love with an Italian count,† Bridget confided, her pout evaporating as she indulged in gossip. â€Å"We all hope he asks her hand in marriage – wouldn't that be splendid? Then we'd all be like royalty, sort of, and not just rich merchants. Imagine, Lydia a countess!† Winfield laughed nervously. â€Å"Bridget . . .† Bridget fluttered her thick eyelashes. â€Å"It's so wonderful that Lydia has a suitor, much less a count. After Meggie was wed, I was afraid Mother and Papa would become traditional and not let me marry until Lydia did and who knew how long that was going to take.† â€Å"Lydia is . . . particular,† Mrs. Sutherland said. â€Å"Oh really, Mama,† Bridget rolled her eyes. â€Å"As if anyone even had an interest before. And now she has a count. It's really . . . it's really not fair, you know, if you think about it . . . if I had a proper coming out . . .† I shifted in my seat, at once embarrassed for everyone, and yet glad to be involved in something as ordinary as a family squabble. This was the first time I'd been among company since leaving Lexi in New Orleans. â€Å"So many handsome, strange men in our lives these days,† Margaret said, somewhere between whimsy and warning. â€Å"What an odd coincidence, Mr. Salvatore. Perhaps I needn't make the grand tour, after all.† â€Å"Hush now, Margaret,† Winfield said. â€Å"And actually I have no one to go to the Chesters' with anyhow, Mama,† Bridget was continuing, actually growing red in the face as if she was trying quite hard to cry. She looked at me sidelong the entire time. â€Å"I am sure Milash won't escort me after last night. . . . I am in dire need of rescue. . . .† Bridget widened her green eyes at her father. Winfield frowned and stroked his muttonchops thoughtfully. In that moment, Bridget seemed as powerful as a vampire, able to compel her father to her every wish. Margaret put a hand to her head as if it ached. â€Å"Mr. Salvatore will take you,† Winfield said, gesturing at me with a fork full of biscuit. â€Å"He's rescued you once; I'm sure he's a gentleman who wouldn't leave you in distress again.† All eyes were turned on me. Bridget perked up, smiling at me like a kitten just offered a bowl of cream. I balked. â€Å"I'm afraid I haven't the proper attire . . .† I began. â€Å"Oh, that is solved easily enough,† Mrs. Sutherland said with a knowing smile. â€Å"Once again,† Lydia murmured, too low for anyone else to hear, â€Å"we are holding poor Mr. Salvatore at our mercy. With pants.†